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Основной раздел / Re: Ukraine updates in English
« Последний ответ от US7IGN Июня 10, 2026, 04:50:57 pm »On the night of Wednesday, June 10, russian forces launched a massive attack using strike drones on three major Ukrainian cities: Kharkiv, Odesa, and Zaporizhzhia. According to local authorities, strikes and damage have been reported in residential areas, and there are casualties among the civilian population. https://today.ua/490732-rf-masovano-vdarila-odrazu-po-troh-velikih-mistah-ukrayini-ye-rujnuvannya-ta-postrazhdali-foto/
Although attacks on cities like Odesa or Kharkiv continue virtually every day. https://glavred.net/war/rf-udarila-po-odesse-povrezhdeny-transport-ostanovka-i-energoobekt-est-ranenye-10771244.html?utm_source=ukrnet_news
https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/c8j272g8d91o
The VNIIR-PROGRESS facility in Cheboksary, russia, which is one of the key enterprises of the russian military-industrial complex, has been attacked. The facility manufactures navigation equipment and devices capable of operating in the presence of electronic jamming. In particular, the plant manufactures “Kometa” series navigation antennas, which are crucial for the russian military. The primary function of this antenna is to protect weapons from electronic warfare systems. Thanks to their compact size and high efficiency, “Kometa” antennas are widely used in russian weaponry. They are installed on Shahed strike drones, Orlan reconnaissance drones, Iskander-M missiles, cruise missiles, and guided aerial bombs equipped with UMPK modules. https://zn.ua/ukr/war/prilit-u-cheboksarakh-u-rf-atakuvali-oboronnij-zavod-shcho-robit-zakhist-dlja-shakhediv-ta-iskanderiv.html
The Ukrainian Armed Forces have confirmed that they struck the Chongar Bridge—one of the two bridges connecting Crimea to the mainland—again on the night of June 9. The attack completely destroyed the bridge. https://nv.ua/ukr/ukraine/events/zsu-povtorno-urazili-chongarskiy-mist-ruh-perekrito-na-trivaliy-chas-50614801.html
The occupation administration banned passenger transportation along a number of strategic routes, closing the "land corridor" to Crimea and key routes in Luhansk Oblast, using the roads exclusively for military transportation. https://cxid.media/news/rosiiany-zaboronyly-pasazhyrski-perevezennia-trasamy-do-krymu-ta-luhanshchyny/
Against this backdrop russia's deputy foreign minister has said the country is prepared to use all means "including nuclear ones" for its security. https://news.sky.com/story/ukraine-war-latest-russian-drone-hits-extremely-critical-nuclear-facility-near-chernobyl-as-zelenskyy-expected-in-london-12541713
The situation could change with the development of long-range weapons, as Ukraine has so far only been able to ramp up production of short-range drones, and only a small number of drones with limited payloads can reach medium ranges. They are capable of setting oil refineries on fire, but cannot destroy bridges or inflict other major damage on russian territory. Thus, most of the Ukrainian army’s successes so far have been limited to the occupied territories.
It is also not yet clear whether the gasoline shortage in the occupied territories will affect the russians’ ability to conduct military operations, or whether this is an attempt to worsen the population’s conditions in the hope that they will revolt. I do not believe the latter, since russian propaganda is skillfully exploiting this to turn the local population against Ukraine. Although, in reality, the answer may be much simpler—the Ukrainian army is attacking whatever it can with the resources at its disposal.
What upsets me is that relations with Poland are deteriorating again. As we know, whenever Ukraine and Poland are at odds, russia always stands to gain. During his trip to Poland, Kyrylo Budanov, Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, met with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense Vladislav Kosiniak-Kamysh. The main topic of discussion was Volodymyr Zelensky's decision to name one of Ukraine's military units after the "Heroes of the UPA." Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrainska Povstanska Armiia, abbreviated UPA) https://www.polskieradio.pl/399/7975/Artykul/3695451,budanow-w-warszawie-rozmowy-po-sporze-o-bohaterow-upa
In Warsaw, this move immediately became the subject of heated political debate. In Kyiv, however, it sparked concern due to its extremely poor timing: the scandal could significantly impact the course of the major conference on Ukraine’s recovery, which is set to take place in Gdańsk at the end of June.
If the current fire in relations between Kyiv and Warsaw cannot be quickly extinguished, anti-Ukrainian rhetoric may once again become one of the main themes of the campaign ahead of the critically important Polish parliamentary elections scheduled for next year.
The procedure initiated by Polish President Karol Nawrocki to strip Volodymyr Zelensky of Poland’s highest state award—the Order of the White Eagle—can be seen as a symbol of this crisis.
The problem lies in the fundamentally different perceptions of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Ukraine and Poland.
In mainstream Ukrainian historiography, the UPA is viewed as an underground military organization that operated from 1942 until at least the late 1950s and set itself the goal of creating an independent Ukrainian state. During World War II, UPA units fought simultaneously against Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. In the contemporary Ukrainian narrative, this struggle against significantly stronger opponents is associated with the current war that russia is waging against Ukraine. The black-and-red flags associated with the UPA have in recent years become one of the unofficial symbols of the Ukrainian military.
During the war, the UPA also fought against the Polish Home Army (which was essentially the Polish counterpart to the UPA) in the territory of Ukraine, which had been part of Poland prior to World War II. A large number of Ukrainians and Poles, mostly civilians, were killed in the clashes. The UPA also continued to carry out guerrilla operations after the war in the territory that had already become part of the Soviet Union. My grandfather told me that he survived only because he was warned of the attack in advance and hid in the forest for some time. And although during the Soviet era, Polish crimes against Ukrainians were not publicized due to the russians’ unwillingness to recognize Ukrainian independence and subjectivity, in Poland, accusing Ukrainians of genocide has always been part of official policy and history. Although no one knows the exact figures, it is likely that more Ukrainians died than Poles.
In Ukraine, the events in Volyn are linked to the anti-Ukrainian national policy of pre-war Poland, and there is discussion of the role that Soviet intelligence agencies may have played in those events. But in Polish historical tradition—and, just as importantly, in the view of most Poles—the UPA is a criminal organization responsible for the mass killings of ethnic Poles in Volyn between 1943 and 1945.
It is noteworthy that some Poles (to be fair, not all) constantly accuse Ukrainians of the Volyn Massacre, but fail to mention Operation Vistula and other crimes against Ukrainians. They also avoid mentioning crimes committed by russians against Poles, such as the execution of Poles in Katyn in 1940 or the assassination of their president and members of the government in Smolensk in 2010.
Some media outlets say there was an informal agreement allegedly reached in early 2022 between Volodymyr Zelensky and then-Polish President Andrzej Duda. It allegedly stipulated that Kyiv would refrain from glorifying certain figures associated with the UPA, whom Poland holds responsible for the events in Volyn, while Warsaw, in turn, would not demand that the Ukrainian authorities condemn the entire Ukrainian nationalist movement of the interwar period and World War II.
For a time, this agreement held. However, the situation changed last year when Karol Nawrocki—a historian with nationalist views who actively used anti-Ukrainian rhetoric during his election campaign—was elected president of Poland.
In the Polish media, however, a different explanation dominates. There, it is believed that Zelensky was well aware of the reaction this decree would provoke in Poland but deliberately took this step, hoping to gain certain domestic political dividends.
Which ones, exactly? Polish observers have put forward several theories. Some suggest that the Ukrainian president was attempting to divert the Ukrainian public’s attention from a corruption scandal involving the former head of his Office, Andriy Yermak. It is important to note that Zelensky’s decision was condemned by all influential political forces in Poland.
If the current dynamics in relations between Kyiv and Warsaw persist, this could lead to Ukrainophobia becoming a key theme in the campaign for the Sejm elections scheduled for 2027, and then turning into a permanent trend in Polish politics. And that certainly does not bode well for either Ukraine or Poland. https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/cn0veqrp45yo
In any case, there is a feeling that Ukrainian diplomacy and cultural work are not enough to promote an alternative version of those events in Poland and the world to change the attitude of Poles. For example, a good film could be made to show those events in a light favorable to Ukraine. It is important that this is not primitive propaganda, which can create the opposite effect.
It should also be taken into account that at a deeper level this may be a manifestation of the Poles' fear and subconscious awareness that Ukraine, if successful, will become a competitor for Poland and create a confrontation for regional dominance. Of course, good relations between Ukraine and Poland, which, if combined, can become a major power in Europe, are a threat to both russia and the rest of Europe. This may explain much of what is happening...
Although attacks on cities like Odesa or Kharkiv continue virtually every day. https://glavred.net/war/rf-udarila-po-odesse-povrezhdeny-transport-ostanovka-i-energoobekt-est-ranenye-10771244.html?utm_source=ukrnet_news
https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/c8j272g8d91o
The VNIIR-PROGRESS facility in Cheboksary, russia, which is one of the key enterprises of the russian military-industrial complex, has been attacked. The facility manufactures navigation equipment and devices capable of operating in the presence of electronic jamming. In particular, the plant manufactures “Kometa” series navigation antennas, which are crucial for the russian military. The primary function of this antenna is to protect weapons from electronic warfare systems. Thanks to their compact size and high efficiency, “Kometa” antennas are widely used in russian weaponry. They are installed on Shahed strike drones, Orlan reconnaissance drones, Iskander-M missiles, cruise missiles, and guided aerial bombs equipped with UMPK modules. https://zn.ua/ukr/war/prilit-u-cheboksarakh-u-rf-atakuvali-oboronnij-zavod-shcho-robit-zakhist-dlja-shakhediv-ta-iskanderiv.html
The Ukrainian Armed Forces have confirmed that they struck the Chongar Bridge—one of the two bridges connecting Crimea to the mainland—again on the night of June 9. The attack completely destroyed the bridge. https://nv.ua/ukr/ukraine/events/zsu-povtorno-urazili-chongarskiy-mist-ruh-perekrito-na-trivaliy-chas-50614801.html
The occupation administration banned passenger transportation along a number of strategic routes, closing the "land corridor" to Crimea and key routes in Luhansk Oblast, using the roads exclusively for military transportation. https://cxid.media/news/rosiiany-zaboronyly-pasazhyrski-perevezennia-trasamy-do-krymu-ta-luhanshchyny/
Against this backdrop russia's deputy foreign minister has said the country is prepared to use all means "including nuclear ones" for its security. https://news.sky.com/story/ukraine-war-latest-russian-drone-hits-extremely-critical-nuclear-facility-near-chernobyl-as-zelenskyy-expected-in-london-12541713
The situation could change with the development of long-range weapons, as Ukraine has so far only been able to ramp up production of short-range drones, and only a small number of drones with limited payloads can reach medium ranges. They are capable of setting oil refineries on fire, but cannot destroy bridges or inflict other major damage on russian territory. Thus, most of the Ukrainian army’s successes so far have been limited to the occupied territories.
It is also not yet clear whether the gasoline shortage in the occupied territories will affect the russians’ ability to conduct military operations, or whether this is an attempt to worsen the population’s conditions in the hope that they will revolt. I do not believe the latter, since russian propaganda is skillfully exploiting this to turn the local population against Ukraine. Although, in reality, the answer may be much simpler—the Ukrainian army is attacking whatever it can with the resources at its disposal.
What upsets me is that relations with Poland are deteriorating again. As we know, whenever Ukraine and Poland are at odds, russia always stands to gain. During his trip to Poland, Kyrylo Budanov, Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, met with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense Vladislav Kosiniak-Kamysh. The main topic of discussion was Volodymyr Zelensky's decision to name one of Ukraine's military units after the "Heroes of the UPA." Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrainska Povstanska Armiia, abbreviated UPA) https://www.polskieradio.pl/399/7975/Artykul/3695451,budanow-w-warszawie-rozmowy-po-sporze-o-bohaterow-upa
In Warsaw, this move immediately became the subject of heated political debate. In Kyiv, however, it sparked concern due to its extremely poor timing: the scandal could significantly impact the course of the major conference on Ukraine’s recovery, which is set to take place in Gdańsk at the end of June.
If the current fire in relations between Kyiv and Warsaw cannot be quickly extinguished, anti-Ukrainian rhetoric may once again become one of the main themes of the campaign ahead of the critically important Polish parliamentary elections scheduled for next year.
The procedure initiated by Polish President Karol Nawrocki to strip Volodymyr Zelensky of Poland’s highest state award—the Order of the White Eagle—can be seen as a symbol of this crisis.
The problem lies in the fundamentally different perceptions of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Ukraine and Poland.
In mainstream Ukrainian historiography, the UPA is viewed as an underground military organization that operated from 1942 until at least the late 1950s and set itself the goal of creating an independent Ukrainian state. During World War II, UPA units fought simultaneously against Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. In the contemporary Ukrainian narrative, this struggle against significantly stronger opponents is associated with the current war that russia is waging against Ukraine. The black-and-red flags associated with the UPA have in recent years become one of the unofficial symbols of the Ukrainian military.
During the war, the UPA also fought against the Polish Home Army (which was essentially the Polish counterpart to the UPA) in the territory of Ukraine, which had been part of Poland prior to World War II. A large number of Ukrainians and Poles, mostly civilians, were killed in the clashes. The UPA also continued to carry out guerrilla operations after the war in the territory that had already become part of the Soviet Union. My grandfather told me that he survived only because he was warned of the attack in advance and hid in the forest for some time. And although during the Soviet era, Polish crimes against Ukrainians were not publicized due to the russians’ unwillingness to recognize Ukrainian independence and subjectivity, in Poland, accusing Ukrainians of genocide has always been part of official policy and history. Although no one knows the exact figures, it is likely that more Ukrainians died than Poles.
In Ukraine, the events in Volyn are linked to the anti-Ukrainian national policy of pre-war Poland, and there is discussion of the role that Soviet intelligence agencies may have played in those events. But in Polish historical tradition—and, just as importantly, in the view of most Poles—the UPA is a criminal organization responsible for the mass killings of ethnic Poles in Volyn between 1943 and 1945.
It is noteworthy that some Poles (to be fair, not all) constantly accuse Ukrainians of the Volyn Massacre, but fail to mention Operation Vistula and other crimes against Ukrainians. They also avoid mentioning crimes committed by russians against Poles, such as the execution of Poles in Katyn in 1940 or the assassination of their president and members of the government in Smolensk in 2010.
Some media outlets say there was an informal agreement allegedly reached in early 2022 between Volodymyr Zelensky and then-Polish President Andrzej Duda. It allegedly stipulated that Kyiv would refrain from glorifying certain figures associated with the UPA, whom Poland holds responsible for the events in Volyn, while Warsaw, in turn, would not demand that the Ukrainian authorities condemn the entire Ukrainian nationalist movement of the interwar period and World War II.
For a time, this agreement held. However, the situation changed last year when Karol Nawrocki—a historian with nationalist views who actively used anti-Ukrainian rhetoric during his election campaign—was elected president of Poland.
In the Polish media, however, a different explanation dominates. There, it is believed that Zelensky was well aware of the reaction this decree would provoke in Poland but deliberately took this step, hoping to gain certain domestic political dividends.
Which ones, exactly? Polish observers have put forward several theories. Some suggest that the Ukrainian president was attempting to divert the Ukrainian public’s attention from a corruption scandal involving the former head of his Office, Andriy Yermak. It is important to note that Zelensky’s decision was condemned by all influential political forces in Poland.
If the current dynamics in relations between Kyiv and Warsaw persist, this could lead to Ukrainophobia becoming a key theme in the campaign for the Sejm elections scheduled for 2027, and then turning into a permanent trend in Polish politics. And that certainly does not bode well for either Ukraine or Poland. https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/cn0veqrp45yo
In any case, there is a feeling that Ukrainian diplomacy and cultural work are not enough to promote an alternative version of those events in Poland and the world to change the attitude of Poles. For example, a good film could be made to show those events in a light favorable to Ukraine. It is important that this is not primitive propaganda, which can create the opposite effect.
It should also be taken into account that at a deeper level this may be a manifestation of the Poles' fear and subconscious awareness that Ukraine, if successful, will become a competitor for Poland and create a confrontation for regional dominance. Of course, good relations between Ukraine and Poland, which, if combined, can become a major power in Europe, are a threat to both russia and the rest of Europe. This may explain much of what is happening...